02.10.2022,
From the beginning of 1993, it became clear to many that the restoration of capitalism in our country was reaching a hopeless dead end...
The contradictions between the mafia-based, comprador bourgeoisie, relying on foreign capital, and the growing Russian national capital have escalated to the limit. On the surface of political life, sharp fights between these main clans resulted in scandalous fights between Yeltsin and Rutskoi, Khasbulatov and Gaidar and Chernomyrdin. Soon the conflict between them turned into a confrontation between the legislative-representative (Soviets) and executive authorities (the government, the president and his deputies). The struggle between them took on the ugly form of a "war of compromise", i.e. mutual exposure of the Russian rulers-restorers. There is not a single politician left in the upper echelons of power who has not been accused of corruption, bribery, abuse of power.
In 1993, the Soviets completely exhausted themselves as the legislative body for the restoration of capitalism. As such, they were doomed to liquidation. It was only unknown whether they would self-liquidate at the next Congress of People's Deputies, as was the case with the Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, or whether the president would have to dissolve them through his anti-constitutional acts ...
The culmination was the Congress of the Peoples of the USSR, held in Moscow on September 20, 1993, in which delegates from all republics took part. The Congress did not follow the lead of the national bourgeoisie, which, hiding behind it, tried to saddle the unification process. We (VKPB, approx .) warned the Congress about the illusory nature of hopes that the reconstruction of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics can be carried out by the forces of the present Soviets, which have nothing in common with socialist democracy. It is also impossible to revive the USSR under the leadership of partyocrats-werewolfs and nomenklatura capitulators from the former CPSU, who, led by Gorbachev, ensured the victory of the bourgeois counter-revolution. The congress was held under the slogans of the Marxist-Leninists.
(N.A. Andreeva spoke at the Congress of the Peoples of the USSR, at which she voiced the most important thesis that “the Soviet Union was being destroyed from above, and it will have to be restored from below ”, i.e. in a revolutionary way, approx .)
The next day, the president issued a decree banning the activities of the left-wing Supreme Soviet and the Congress of People's Deputies of Russia, which had gathered in the White House. The AUCPB characterized this illegal action as a dangerous political provocation that opened the next stage of the crisis of bourgeois statehood. Yeltsin, not having achieved the self-dissolution of the Soviets, went to disperse them by force ...
Unfortunately, quite a few communists and patriots did not initially understand that both the presidential and parliamentary factions of the bourgeoisie were only fighting for different ways and means of restoring capitalism. The petty-bourgeois democrats in the Supreme Soviet expressed the interests of the most cautious branch of the national bourgeoisie, which, faced with the lawlessness of plundering the country, sought to make privatization "plastic" and put it on a "civilized" course. They saw, apparently, that the "construction of capitalism" in Russia was collapsing, and one could expect historical retribution for what they had done together with Gorbachev and Yeltsin. Their slogan "no revolutions" was taken up by Zyuganov and other pro-Gorbachev partycrats...
The paramilitary fascist organization became the main support of the political and military leadership of the besieged White House. If the communists arriving at the White House were denied the issuance of weapons, then the Barkashovites with a swastika on their sleeves were armed to the teeth and performed the duties of personal protection of the White House leadership.
With a clearly provocative purpose, a parade of fascists was arranged, who marched in front of telephoto lenses under a hated red banner. Apparently, this was done so that later all the defenders of the Supreme Soviet could be enlisted as communist fascists. As for the First Motorized Rifle Regiment of the Supreme Soviet of the Russian Federation, formed from communists, Cossacks and patriots, being completely unarmed, it played the role of auxiliary labor, was deprived of centralized food, places of rest and other means of life support. As a result of such political discrimination, a massive exodus of supporters of socialism from the ranks of the defenders of the Supreme Soviet of Russia began. It became clear to many that a trap was being prepared for the communists on both sides.
The workers also did not support the White House, seeing in the speeches of Khasbulatov and Rutskoy another attempt at an apex coup with unclear consequences for the people. The majority of working people remained deaf to the calls of the Supreme Soviet to support it with strikes and strikes. The Union of Officers showed its mobilization and organizational failure, deceitfully deprived of its leader, who was subjected to brutal beatings. There was a split in the leadership of the National Salvation Front. The country's communist movement, deeply affected by the opportunism inherited from Gorbachev's CPSU, also failed to fulfill its vanguard role. (VKPB activists took an active part in the defense of the Supreme Council. But the VKPB was created recently in November 1991 and did not yet have sufficient forces, note.). There were many provocateurs and adventurers in the White House, lovers of revolution and war.
While confusion and uncertainty were growing among the leadership of the Supreme Soviet, the reactionaries gathered and strengthened their forces. Elite military units were drawn to the White House, which were paid for the service of the president in dollars. Shortly before this, Yeltsin visited their quarters and financed them with billions of rubles. Special purpose units of the ministries of internal affairs and state security were put into action. In the St. Danilov Monastery, a negotiating rigmarole was started. As Cossack intelligence reported, female snipers from the Baltic states were contracted to protect the president, whose hands were up to the elbow in the blood of the defenders of Transnistria. Along with these mercenaries, the Zionist combat squads of the Baitarites were brought up, some of them were outfitted in riot police uniforms.
In order to blame everything on the communists, provocations were organized near the television studio in Ostankino, where the unarmed protesting crowd went to ask for airtime for the opposition to speak.
On the morning of October 3, the assault on the White House began. The newest tanks and self-propelled installations from large-caliber barrels shot the building of the Supreme Council for six hours, which soon caught fire, having received severe damage. The defenders could not respond to the hail of shells. The vast majority of people in the White House had no weapons, but no one threw the white flag of surrender ...
Rutskoi and his general immediately lost leadership of the defending defenders of the White House. In the burning rooms and corridors of the parliament, the Russian bourgeois democracy ingloriously ended its journey. Tank guns at close range shot the illusions of the philistines and townsfolk, who still considered "civilized" capitalism possible in Russia. This was the first time in world history that a parliament was shot down with artillery fire. There were many examples when kings, kings, presidents with their households and guards were killed, their palaces were destroyed, but such a crackdown on the parliament elected by the people - this has never happened anywhere else. The gunfire on the Supreme Soviet announced to the whole world that fascism is approaching in Russia, acting in the guise of Yeltsin's demo-fascism. Here Russia was on the same board of shame with Chile,
Despite the unpredictability in the politics of the current rulers of Russia, the act of political banditry committed in Moscow at the state level was still a natural phenomenon arising from the development of the restoration process. The first stage of capitalization has been completed. Yeltsin has now removed all the barriers to the privatization of political power by big capital, liquidating the Soviet system both in the center and in the regions. If the Gorbachev clique in the course of counter-revolutionary perestroika liquidated the Soviets as ORGANIZATIONS OF SOCIALIST PUBLIC POWER, then Yeltsin did away with the Soviets as ORGANIZATIONS OF BOURGEOIS-LIBERAL REFORMISM...
The armed defeat of the Supreme Soviet showed that bourgeois reformism leads not to the improvement of socialism, not to the elimination of its real and imaginary shortcomings, not to social justice for working people, but to the destruction of society and all its foundations. It is not political pluralism and freedom, not democracy and humanism, not well-being and prosperity that the restoration of capitalism brings to the people, but, on the contrary, the deprivation of the working people of all social gains, legal chaos up to the deprivation of the right to life, the transformation of Soviet people into victims of tyranny and reaction. The fatality that the counter-revolution brings has become obvious to many ...
The experience of a tough confrontation with Yeltsinism showed the Soviet communists and patriots the limited possibilities of boundless, self-sufficient rallies, the inadmissibility of indecision and hesitation in the leadership of the struggle against the anti-people regime, the futility and harmfulness of petty-bourgeois games to seize power and other so-called "simple solutions" to complex political issues of defeating the counter-revolution.
From the report of N.A. Andreeva at the meeting of the asset
Leningrad organization of the AUCPB October 30, 1993 "Let's stop demofascism - save Russia."
Published in No. 19 (71) 1993 of the newspaper "Unity".
Material prepared:
A.N. Shpagin, member of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Belarus (Nina Andreeva)
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