What is Trotskyism?
1. THEORY OF PERMANENT REVOLUTION. This claims that socialism can only be successful if revolution occurs in all the advanced capitalist countries at once; and that all attempts at building socialism in a single country that has carried out a successful revolution are bound to fail.
Since this hypothetical
simultaneous revolution has so far failed to materialise in real life
(and is unlikely ever to do so), this position simply means that
Trotskyists always end up denouncing all the real revolutions
that have taken place, and furiously attacking any country that has not
only carried out a revolution but actually had the temerity to go on and
try to build socialism.
2. ANTI-LENINISM IN ORGANISATION.
Leninism calls for the building of a revolutionary, disciplined
proletarian revolutionary party, which is able to act with unity and is
hostile to opportunist elements. Trotskyism stands for a loose mish-mash
of whoever wants to sign up; for reformists and opportunists to be
allowed into the ranks of the proletarian party; for the formation of
groups, factions and cliques within a single party. No wonder no
Trotskyist party has ever led a revolution!
3. HOSTILITY TO LENINIST LEADERS.
We are constantly told that Trotsky was the true ‘inheritor’ of Lenin
and one of the authors of the Russian revolution, but nothing could be
further from the truth. In fact, Trotsky was an enemy of Lenin and
Leninism until the eve of the revolution, and only joined the Bolsheviks
in 1917 when it was obvious they were going to win. In 1913, Trotsky
described Lenin as a “professional exploiter of every kind of backwardness in the Russian working-class movement”, and went on to say that the “entire
edifice of Leninism at the present time is built on lies and
falsification and bears within itself the poisonous elements of its own
decay”. (Letter to Chkeidze)
If Trotsky could express such ill-mannered views about Lenin before
the revolution, while doing his best to undermine the building of a
truly revolutionary party in Russia, it is not surprising that he went
on to shower vile abuse on Lenin’s faithful pupil Stalin after
the revolution – while furiously working to undermine the building of
socialism in the USSR that was being led by the Bolshevik party.
Trotsky’s attacks on ‘Stalinism’ were actually just the continuation of
his lifelong struggle against Leninism. The counter-revolutionary
nature of Trotskyism explains why Trotsky is held up to schoolchildren
throughout the imperialist world as the ‘real’ revolutionary!
Uniting the counter-revolutionaries
Because
of its reactionary content, Trotskyism inevitably attracted all those
elements that were striving to weaken and destroy socialism in the USSR.
With a passionate hatred of socialism and workers’ power, these
elements strove for the overthrow of the Soviet regime, and, fully
backed by imperialism, supported Trotsky abroad after his expulsion from
the USSR. And the same type of people have continued to call on workers
to rally around Trotskyism, even after it morphed from being a mistaken
political trend within the working-class movement into “a frantic
and unprincipled gang of wreckers, diversionists, spies and murderers
acting on the instructions of the intelligence services of foreign
states”. (Stalin, March 1937)
Ever since then there has been a
kind of division of labour between the imperialists and the
Trotskyists, who have worked in tandem to slander and defame the Soviet
system, its government, its institutions and its leadership – all so as
to belittle and discredit the achievements of socialist construction.
Trotsky went to the despicable length of equating fascism with ‘Stalinism’,
and imperialists have hung on to that useful slander ever since, using
it to confuse workers and combat communist influence. Moreover, Trotsky
actually predicted the defeat of the USSR in WWII. He would have been
devastated to witness the crowning victory of socialism over fascism,
but was saved that final humiliation thanks to his assassination by one
of his own followers in Mexico in 1941.
Not surprisingly,
Trotskyism has supported every counter-revolutionary movement against
socialism, from the Hungarian uprising of 1956 and the so-called Prague
Spring of 1968 to the counter-revolutions that swept through eastern and
central Europe in the late 1980s, and which finally brought down the
once great and glorious USSR in 1991.
When the Soviet Union
collapsed, as a result of the revisionist economic and political
policies set in place under Khrushchev after Stalin’s death, Trotskyite
organisations went delirious with joy. Beside a photograph of a toppled
statute of the great Lenin, the Socialist Worker declared that “Communism has collapsed. It is a fact that should have every socialist rejoicing. ” It even claimed that Yeltsin’s counter-revolution had brought “the workers of the Soviet Union closer to the spirit of the socialist revolution of 1917, not further form it”. (31 August 1991)
Two years later, Labour’s 1993 election defeat led the same SWP to suffer a deep “depression” and “post-election demoralisation”, declaring that “the election was a disaster for everyone who wants a better society”.
What could better demonstrate the incurably anti-popular nature of the
SWP than its malicious glee at the fall of the Soviet Union and its
heart-aching pain at the fourth consecutive electoral defeat of the
imperialist Labour party, with its proven track record of attacks on the
working class at home and wars against the oppressed peoples abroad?
Trotskyism
is a thoroughly counter-revolutionary trend marked by double-speak and
cynical hypocrisy. It practises sectarianism and factionalism while
calling for unity; it supports imperialist wars against the oppressed
while mouthing phrases about anti-imperialism; it facilitates attacks on
the working class through its cretinous support for the Labour party,
while pretending to oppose such attacks; it supports counter-revolutions
everywhere in the name of defending revolution.
Right in essence and left in form
is the best way of describing this malicious tendency, which everywhere
sows confusion and division in the working-class movement, making us
weaker to defend ourselves against the onslaught of imperialism. If we
wish to liberate our world from imperialist exploitation and oppression,
we must first rid our movement of all pro-imperialist,
social-democratic ideology, not least the r-r-revolutionary garbage of
Trotskyism.
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