90th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution

90th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution
This year we mark the 90th Anniversary since the carrying out of the Great October Socialist Revolution, carried out under the leadership of Great V.I. Lenin by a Bolshevik, revolutionary, proletarian party created by him.
The Great October Socialist Revolution is a leap forward into the future of mankind, a leap into a classless society, a revolutionary leap forward in the development of civilization, which until that period, history knew nothing of. The changeover of all previous social-economic formations preserved the rule of private ownership over the means of production and the class antagonisms between the owner and the worker. The socialist revolution, being a social revolution like all previous which led to change of social-economic formations, abolished private ownership over the means of production, having made it common ownership (it altered the form of ownership) and at the same time liquidated class antagonisms. In here lies the root difference of a socialist revolution from a social revolution and its higher rank compared to social revolutions.
For the successful carrying out of a socialist revolution it is necessary to combine many factors simultaneously, the main ones of which are:
- The objective factor, or presence in society of an economic and political crisis, when the production relations do not correspond to the productive forces of society, and also the presence of a revolutionary situation when the “uppers are unable, and the lowers do not want to live the old way”.
- The subjective factor, which means the presence of a revolutionary party led by a leader with the ability to lead the revolutionary masses and many sympathizers.
If the Russians did not have V.I. Lenin, it is hard to say as to whether or not a victorious socialist revolution would have been possible.
Turning towards the Leninist theoretical heritage, each time one is amazed by his universal many-sided personality.
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin was one of the most deepest and original thinkers that mankind has ever given birth to throughout its many centuries-long history. A most deep thinking philosopher, the firmest of economists, most precise of historians, well-read lawyer, an expert at natural science and culture, a talented literary man, a man with a prophetic gift of foresight, with a relentless brain of an analyst and rare gift of mass-scale grasping of events and at the same time, unrepeatable personality in its moral beauty, harmoniously combining modesty and efficiency, extraordinary simplicity in relations, highest of education and culture in the highest meaning of this word, friendliness towards people and a man of principle and invincible energy in achieving a given aim.
The Leninist theoretical legacy is colossal and is a priceless treasure house of revolutionary thought, of the world liberation movements, and of our national Russian and world culture.
Having thoroughly developed the revolutionary science of K. Marx and F. Engels in conditions of imperialism, V.I. Lenin gave answers to actual questions put forth by history. The correctness of his theoretical conclusions and political decisions were based on a deep understanding of the laws of social progress, on strict realism in combination with innovative courage of the mind.
Lenin and Leninism (Bolshevism) remain today the compass for the world proletariat and all revolutionary forces of modern times, since no matter how contradictory the world map appears in our days, its main characteristics, main decisive tendencies of world development are namely those which Lenin could foresee.
V.I. Lenin spoke about the decaying of imperialism and at the same time about the possibility of its development by utilizing achievements in the scientific-technolo gical revolution. Having skillfully utilized achievements of the scientific-technolo gical revolution at the end of the XX century, along with computerization and having gained a powerful boost due to the breakup of the Soviet Union, imperialism got to its peak but has now exhausted itself, and is suffering a deep system civilization crisis which includes in itself the following:
- A crisis in the world economy, which is accompanied, by a global political crisis with deepening instability of the existing organisation of society,
- An ecological crisis as a result of the development of technological activity of civilization and accompanying all of this,
- A crisis in human personality, a spiritual crisis, a crisis of consciousness with loss by Man of all and any direction.
The year 2007 has become for the imperialist society, a year of further tremors on the international financial markets initiated by the US mortgage crisis. The US currency backed up by US gold reserve by less then 10% continues to fall, causing panic on the currency markets. The panic is connected to the fact that a large part of the reserves of convertible currency in all countries consists of paper dollars and American booms. The imperialist world including Russia supports the collapsing American economy with all their might and financial infusions.
The counter-revolution in the USSR, which led to the breakup of our state, gave a huge chance to America to hang on without a care in the world, for two decades. By the words of Reagan, Gorbachev economized the USA by 300 billion dollars. The USA no longer has the same chance.
Perestroika, organised and carried out by the higher party nomenclatura of the CPSU in partnership with the cosmopolitizing pro-Zionist –minded intelligentsia of the USSR, with the most powerful financial and ideological aid to the “men of perestroika”, primarily on part of the USA (anti-communism and betrayal have always been well paid by the West) we qualify as a well- planned and clearly coordinated campaign by international imperialism against the USSR. Perestroika – this is social-political revenge by imperialism for its past defeats in the struggle against world socialism.
Today the USA continues to well finance the betrayers inside our country for the organising in all the republics of the ex-USSR “orange revolutions”, for the final breakup of the Soviet people and its physical destruction from the unbearable hardships of life. Thus for example, in Ukraine, many millions of US dollars have been thrown at president Yushenko and Yulia Timoshenko, the leader of the one-named block by the USA, in order to “make an orange revolution in Maidan”. 27 million US dollars have been put aside for Belorussia for an “orange revolution” there. Roughly the same amount was thrown into Kirgizia for the organising of the “tulip revolution” in March 2005, for the replacement of power by a pro-American power, etc. Concerning Russia, then the USA has already had a test of the forces there with the help of Kasparov and Kasyanov for the organising of something similar. I presume that the search for candidates for the “orange leadership” will not stop here.
The only way we are going to preserve the nation – the Soviet people and to revive the Soviet Union – our common Fatherland is by putting an end to the criminal capitalism that has been unleashed upon us. And this can only be done by revolutionary means and not in “debates” in bourgeois parliaments. One has to be extremely naive in order to also think that by casting a voting ballot, one will be able to change the social-political system, According to Lenin, “the transfer of a bourgeois state over to a proletarian one is impossible without a violent revolution” (v.33, p. 22, Rus.). By the words of the wealthiest oligarch in Russia, O. Deripaska, today, true power belongs to namely them – the oligarchs who dictate the rules of the game to the president who they see as only their top-manager. It is namely they, the oligarchs who determine the form of power which they today call “democracy” (for the rich). Such is the hierarchy of power in all states of the imperialist community.
Russia during the period of 15 years of counter-revolution, 44 oligarchs have grown, who own all the means of production in the country, and yet make up only 1% of the population of the state. (They know how to steal and pillage well). O Deripaska’s wealth amounts to more than 22 billion US dollars. The gap between the income of the poor and the elite is horrific! The standard of living of the absolute majority of people has fallen so low that many are not even in a fit enough state to resist their own destruction. Why is this happening? V.I. Lenin’s thoughts on this question in 1917 (vol. 33, p. 87, Rus.) are completely valid for understanding today’s situation: “modern-day wage slaves on the strength of the conditions of capitalist exploitation, remain so down-trodden by need and poverty that they are “not up to democracy”, “not up to politics”, that under the everyday, peaceful flow of events, the majority of the population are removed from participation in social-political life”, since they are only thinking about getting bread on the table. But such a situation cannot continue for long: life itself will force them to act.
By the words of V.I. Lenin, only the masses can make a revolution, motivated by deep economic need”. (Vol. 14, p.238, Rus.). “The people have to be made to become horrified at themselves in order to be instilled with courage” (K. Marx, F, and Engels. Com. Vol 1, p 417, Rus.). The extreme instability of the entire imperialist community bears witness to an approaching revolutionary storm.
How prepared is the communist movement on the territory of the ex-USSR for impending battles today. Today, it is meanwhile not prepared. The big divisions in the communist movement, the actually social-democratic essence of the majority of the parties that call themselves communist, the ambitions of their leaders by any means to clamber into a bourgeois parliament to get a nice cosy profitable seat for themselves, their ambitious desire to drag comrades from other parties into their own organisation to the detriment of the common cause, their attempts at organizationally unifying everyone so that it falls apart in an hour, which is inevitable under the presence of various ideological thesis within such a mixed company (as this was well demonstrated by the CPSU in 1991) – these are the stumbling blocks which the communist movement on the territory of the USSR are up against. The majority of the communist of so-called communist parties are in essence infected with the virus of rejecting Marxism, along with their transfer over onto social democratic positions.
Therefore we, Soviet communists, and not just Soviet communists, but the entire communist movement as a whole have to solve the same tasks that V.I. Lenin solved at the start of the XX century – the struggle against opportunism and revisionism, revealing social democracy as the bulwark of the bourgeoisie in the workers’ movement.
I shall remind you that Lenin defined the political content of opportunism (and social-chauvinism) as “…class collaboration, renunciation of the dictatorship of the proletariat, rejection of revolutionary actions, worshipping bourgeois legality, distrust towards the proletariat and trust towards the bourgeoisie” (v. 27, p. 103).
Today the leaders of the majority of communist parties on the territory of the USSR have latched onto the struggle for highly paid parliamentary seats. After having entered parliament by fair means or foul, they do not use the parliamentary struggle (which anyway leads to nothing) as a “school, an aid for organising an outside parliamentary struggle of the proletariat”, not wishing to understand that the “fundamental questions of the workers; movement under capitalism are decided by force” (J.V. Stalin, Works v. 6, p. 84) as the history of the revolutionary movement shows.
Such communist pseudo-leaders, taking active participation in bourgeois “reforming” either ignore or do not know Lenin, or his fundamental thesis confirmed by history, that “the essence of reformism lies in the weakening of evil, but not in destroying it” (vol. 30, p. 42) and that “…reformism is bourgeois deception of the workers who will always remain wage slaves despite small separate improvements – while the rule of capital exists.” (v. 24, p.1).
The question of unifying the majority of communist parties formed with the encouragement of the regime for splitting (and deceiving, in a number of cases) the communist and worker’s movement was placed by us as the order of the day 13 years ago at one of the Plenary sessions of the CC AUCPB, where we called on the communist parties to become bolshevized and united into a united revolutionary party. We proposed then, a gradual plan for unification – that is, unity in actions, the working out of a common ideological platform, on its basis then carrying out a united political line. After passing through these stages, the question of the organisation merging of everyone into a united revolutionary party will become purely formal. Attempts on part of the leaders of separate communist parties to jump ahead of these stages, as previous years have shown, no positive results came about and neither could they come about in principle. Without a process of bolshevization of the communist parties, the unification of them into a single united revolutionary party could not materialize on the strength of the differences of the main ideological thesis of the parties. How to carry out the bolshevization of the communist parties infected with social-democratism, was well spoken about by J.V. Stalin I 1924 in his conversation with member of the CPG Comrade Hertzog (J.V. Stalin, works, vol 7, p. 24, Russ.) and namely:
“1) It is necessary for the party to see itself not as a appendage of a parliamentary election mechanism, like in essence social-democracy sees itself, and not as a free application of trade unions, as the sometimes a few anarcho-syndicalist elements assert, - but like a higher form of class unification of the proletariat, called upon to manage all the remaining forms of proletarian organisations from trade union to a parliamentary faction.
2) It is necessary that the party, especially its leadership elements fully mastered the revolutionary theory of Marxism, completely tied in with in revolutionary practice.
3) It is necessary for the party to work out slogans and directives not on the basis of studied formulas and historical parallels, but as a result of a careful analysis of concrete conditions of the revolutionary movement, both internal and international, taking into definite consideration the experience of revolutionary countries.
4) It is necessary for the party to check the correctness of these slogans and directives in the heat of the revolutionary struggle of the masses.
5) It is necessary for the entire work of the party, especially if social-democratic traditions in it still linger on, to be rebuilt on a new revolutionary footing, calculated on the fact that every step of the party and every action taken by it led towards the revolutionizing of the masses, towards the preparation and educating of the broad masses of the working class in the spirit of revolution.
6) It is necessary so that the party in its work knows how to combine higher principle (not to mix this with sectarianism! ) with the maximum connection and contact with the masses (not to mix this up with tailism!), with which it would be impossible for the party not just to teach the masses and raise them to the level of the party but also to listen to the voice of the masses and figure out their true needs.
7) It is necessary for the party to be able to combine in its work uncompromising revolutionism (not to mix this up revolutionary adventurism! ) with maximum flexibility and maneuverability (not to mix this with time-serving! ), without which it would be impossible for the party to master all forms of struggle and organisation, to connect the everyday interests of the proletariat with the root interests of the proletarian revolution, and to combine in its work, the legal struggle with the illegal struggle.
8) It is necessary so that the party does not hide its mistakes, is not afraid of criticism, so that it knows how to improve and educate its cadres on its own mistakes.
9) It is necessary so that the party knows how to select for the main leadership group the best elements of the advanced fighters, sufficiently loyal in order to be the true expressers of the aims of the revolutionary proletariat and sufficiently experienced in order to become true leaders of the proletarian revolution, able to utilize the tactics and strategy of Leninism.
10) It is necessary so that the party systematically improves the social makeup of its organisations and purged itself from demoralizing opportunist elements, bearing in mind the aim of achieving maximum monolithic unity.
11) It is necessary so that the party develops iron proletarian discipline, growing on the basis of ideological cohesion, clarity of the aims of the movement, unity of practical actions and a conscious attitude towards the tasks of the party on part of the broad proletarian masses.
12) It is necessary so that the party systematically checks the fulfillment of its own decisions and directives without which the latter risk being transformed into empty postulates able to only undermine the trust of the broad masses in it.
Without these and other similar conditions, bolshevization will just be an empty sound”.
Therefore I call on all communist parties to begin the process of unification from the closest unity of actions of those parties which are bolshevizing themselves and are helping each other in this, along with simultaneously rallying around ourselves all patriotic forces that share our views on a number (for at least the time being) questions. This process, depending on the wish of the leaders, may take place at a fast pace. The developing negative processes inside the country do not leave us time for either swinging in mid-air or for lengthy contemplation. If we do not want to, or are too afraid to do this and there is no other reason for refusal to work in this direction, then we, communists shall carry the full responsibility for the destruction of a great country and its people – the Soviet Union. The CPSU ended its existence by the betrayal of its leaders not only of the Soviet people but also the working class of the whole world, and untied the hands of imperialism for its merciless exploitation of hired labour under the complete silence of the worker. Therefore we have to give rebirth to a mighty militant revolutionary Leninist-Stalinist Bolshevik party. The sufficiently practical 16 year-long struggle and structural base for this exists in the form of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.
In this complicated, dangerous and difficult process of unification, we would like to have the support of the world communist movement, since “…the struggle for socialism is a struggle of the international revolutionary proletariat. Namely, because capitalism has tied the entire world into a single economic organism, this struggle can only be international” . Unfortunately this is not being observed today.
An example of this is in HOW one can qualify on part of the Communist Party of Belorus, the CPRF and the CP of Greece (leader – Comrade Papariga) –the organizers of an international conference in Minsk, dedicated to the 90th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution which was carried out by the party of Bolsheviks – refusing the Bolsheviks in taking part in this conference? Is it due to them enraging their bourgeois sponsors by having contact with present-day Bolsheviks? I cannot see any other reason as to why they have refused the Bolsheviks in taking part.
For grounds of my conclusion concerning the position of the above-named parties – organizers of the international conference, I can cite the thoughts of that same oligarch Deripaska, the ruling oligarchic clan widely uses the experience of the bourgeoisie in the West in the struggle against the opposition in particular the communist opposition.
According to Deripaska’s opinion, “an opposition in the structure of power is absolutely necessary. Otherwise, the technology of ruling the masses becomes inadequate. But the ruling hierarchy needs not just any opposition. In Russia, for example, we have been successful in forming non-marginal opposition structures and we manage those well. Their functionaries are completely ours and are well paid by us. There exist also marginal groups – we also work with them: give and take and so forth”.
The meeting of communist parties (there were more than 70) in Athens, Greece two years ago caused me great perplexity. Then, the high communist international forum for some reason failed to adopt a special separate Resolution in support of the DPRK – one of the two remaining socialist countries (the second one is Cuba), to adopt it in the heat of increased pressure on the DPRK on part of the USA with the aim of stifling it. In all there were three sentences on the DPRK written, and they were of little importance in content in the general resolution of the conference, and nothing more! Who frightened them - the USA? Was it worth gathering such an important forum in order to adopt common documents not obliging anyone to do anything? All this bears witness to, in our opinion, the deep social democratic degeneration of large communist parties of Europe.
No matter how hard the struggle is or what new difficulties stand in our way towards the defeat of the counter-revolution, WE, Bolsheviks, shall all the same victor, because on our side stands the truth of history and the true struggle for real justice on Earth.
On the eve of the 90th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution in the name of our party, I congratulate members of the AUCPB, our comrades in the communist movement in Russia and on the territory of the ex-USSR and also our friends and like-minded thinkers abroad on this famous date. I sincerely wish all of us success in the struggle for socialism on Earth.
Long Live the Great October Socialist Revolution!
Long Live international unity and solidarity in the struggle against international capital!
Workers of all countries, unite!
N.A. Andreeva
General Secretary of the CC AUCPB