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ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF BOLSHEVIKS (AUCPB) ВКПБ
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No 2 (83) FEBRUARY 2010
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IN MEMORY OF V.I. LENIN
On January 21, 1924 in Gorki Leninskie on the 54 th year of life, Vladimir Ilyich Lenin died - the leader of the world's workers, the leader of a party that knowingly entered into the battle for power, indicating the purpose and the way for the Russian proletariat and the peasantry. Lenin was the leader of a great country, which became the first country in the world establishing a dictatorship of the proletariat. His name was a symbol of hope and liberation, wherever there is oppression and slavery "(Clara Zetkin).
- Lenin had "tremendous political courage ... he was not afraid to take on the responsibility a political decision of any size. He did not retreat in this respect, before any risk, took responsibility for his actions, on which depended the fate of not only himself, not only his party but the whole country and to some extent, the world revolution "( historian, Prof. MN Pokrovsky).
- "For nearly a quarter century, Lenin step by step, little by littleprepared the most amazing revolution in the history of mankind. All of his being, he gave himself up to the tasks. During those years he never ceased to be a true leader and inspiration of the movement, he was the one who delivered the calculated, decisive blow, transforming in the October 1917 the image of the whole world and changed the course of world history. On the map of the world among the capitalist chaos emerged a socialist country.
For Lenin, the word "politics" and "humanity" became synonymous. And if we say that any action of the leader of professional revolutionaries merged with his political activities and that it permeates the political sense and spirit of partisanship all what he did, so much the way he did, we want to say that he was a great humanist ...
From whatever side you approach the immense legacy of Leninism, one realizes that, due to its enormous scale, it is essential not only for progress but also to save civilization itself and the human race "(Henri Barbusse).
- Bertrand Russell, one time opposed to the materialist conception of social development, however, noted "the correctness of Lenin and the Bolsheviks that the world needs a fundamental economic reconstruction, it needs a profound change in the thoughts and feelings, philosophy and art, personal relationships of people.” Russell saw the meaning of political philosophy of Lenin, "in the justification of such changes, in which material production will be the servant of man rather than his master, like is the case in bourgeois society."
- "I respect Lenin, who with complete self-sacrifice gave all his strength to the implementation of social justice. I think his method is appropriate. But one thing is certain: people like him are the guardians of conscience and renovators of humanity. During a thousand years, mankind has sought for a just social order to a society free from oppression. Such a society is the great goal, and oppose justice - means to act against conscience "(Albert Einstein).
- "You should not think that the importance of Lenin – is in the past, just because he died. We must think about the future, the importance of Lenin for the future and his significance for the future, and that if the experience that Lenin made - the experience of socialism - does not succeed, then modern civilization will die out, like many civilizations have died out in the past. We now know from history that there were many civilizations and that having reached the point of development, which Western capitalism reached up to now, died and degenerated. Many times representatives of the human race tried to get around this stumbling block, but failed. Lenin created a new method and walked around this stumbling block. If others follow the methods of Lenin, then before us, will open a new era, and we will not be threatened with collapse and death, for us will begin a new history, a history of which we now can not even imagine. If the future is with Lenin, then we can all rejoice in this, but if the world goes along the old path, then I will have to sadly leave this earth "(Bernard Shaw).
Lenin - a genius who knows human history. Cave-like vandalism are the calls for a "reburial" of Lenin's body and the elimination of the Mausoleum, coming from the Russian zoological hatred of socialism and communist ideology by the "democrats" and the pack of "humanist intellectuals" serving them - all those who are responsible for the destruction of our country - the USSR, for betrayal of the Soviet people and the world communist movement.
Lenin - is the conscience of mankind! His tomb -the Mausoleum – is the property of all honest people, of all mankind!
Hands off Lenin, gentlemen traitors to the socialist fatherland!
Secretariat of the Central Committee of the AUCPB
Leningrad
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DEMOCRATIC PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF KOREA
February 16 in the DPRK is a national holiday – the Birthday of the Great Leader Comrade Kim Jong Il.
General Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea and Chairman of the National Defense Commission of the DPRK, Supreme Commander of the Korean People's Army, Kim Jong Il has for more than 16 years stood at the state helm of the country during perhaps the most difficult years of the politically charged atmosphere of world politics.
The years of the brutal half-century of economic blockade, permanent U.S. provocations against the DPRK have not only not broken the heroic revolutionary spirit and highest patriotism of the Koreans, who have closely rallied around their beloved leader, but made them even stronger and more unshakable in their dedication to the struggle with the difficulties in solving the fundamental problem of the Korean revolution - improving the welfare of the people, the desire by their selfless work to quickly build their own prosperous socialist power of a united nation.
In the joint New Year editorial of the three major newspapers – of the party, military and youth - the country's leader Kim Jong Il said: "We intend to build an economic power, ultimately, in order to achieve a steep rise in living standards. Only with a noticeable improvement in living standards across the country will sound even louder the cries "Long live socialism!", the song "Ariran about power and prosperity", and will open the door to building a prosperous powerful country.
The achievements in the DPRK in 2009 are very impressive and surprising. We have noted in our press as the most historic moment, that 2009 was a year of the birth of the DPRK as a world nuclear power, thus now fully protected by the peaceful labor of Korean citizens from any military aggression from outside and their confidence in the future. Now, the DPRK (from the Statement by the DPRK Foreign Ministry of January 11, 2010) by equal right puts to the United States the question on the willingness to revisit the issue of nuclear disarmament if the United States agree to conclude a treaty of peace and if sanctions are lifted against the DPRK. The DPRK rightly believes that signing such a document would "eliminate the hostile relations between the two countries and rapidly move towards the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula."
Consultations on the issue of replacing the currently in force Armistice Agreement with a full peace treaty, according to the DPRK, could be carried out as a separate format, as well as within the six-party talks. As highlighted in the Statement of the DPRK Foreign Ministry, the resumption of the six-party talks will be possible only when the sanctions are lifted against the People's Republic, which in Pyongyang are called the "source of discrimination and mistrust."
But the U.S. like before is still only interested in unilateral disarmament of the DPRK (defense weakening of the DPRK) and therefore continues to insist that the DPRK must first return to the six-party talks, which the United States through its co-partners are again going to put pressure on the DPRK and trying to use them to twist its arms. But such methods of pressure on the DPRK have long passed ...
In the spring of 2009, Kim Jong Il drew up ambitious plans and a vision – by a new revolutionary upsurge, to create a situation of enthusiasm in the Korean revolution and the construction of a mighty prosperous state. He took the initiative to expand the 150 - and then the 100-day labor watch, taking revolutionary measures to achieve victory at this forced stage of the Korean revolution. In response to the call of their leader, the people and the army showed great heroism and courage, so that in 2009, a powerful leap forward was made in socialist construction. 2009 was a year of great change in the development of the economy, defense, construction of new powerful hydroelectric power stations, gravity-fed irrigation canals, introduction of new technologies and improved farming. In keeping with the modern requirements of the twenty-first century, in the capital, Pyongyang, an indoor swimming pool has been built at the Kim Il Sung University, a high-rise hotel Manchzhon put into operation along with other monumental buildings for consumer services for the people. Throughout have been erected monumental building constructions, such as Nenvonskaya, Wonsan Hydro electric station "Youth", irrigation canals on the Plain of Peace and a housing estate in Pyongyang on Mansudae street. The construction of gasification facilities in Namhene have been completed, which is a powerful surge in the modernization of the leading industrial enterprises.
In many parts of the country, complex food-processing facilities have been built. In just a few months the Tedongansky horticultural state farm had been built, as an example of the intensification and modernization of horticulture, and in many counties new livestock and fish farms have been created.
The DPRK has achieved good results in the field of culture and the arts, education and sports. Korean circus performers were awarded top prizes (gold), the "Golden Lion Award". At international competitions, Korean students and mathematicians have been remarkable. In June 2009, the DPRK players won the right to participate in the World Cup games.
It is clear to anyone that the DPRK's tremendous successes in all areas of economics, politics, national defense, science, sport, culture and other aspects of the state is inextricably linked to the tireless work of the Great Leader, the implementation by the people of his grandiose plans of building socialism.
Kim Jong Il is consistently with the people and constantly on construction sites, rural cooperatives, in military units, research institutes, with figures of culture and art. Even in minus 30 degree centigrade frost, Kim Jong Il inspects constructions of the century, is interested how life is arranged by workers, and soldiers, welcomes innovation and encourages them to enter into new heights in their work. The people highly appreciate the enormous work of their Great Leader, his closeness with the people and respond to his care of all of them by ardent love towards him and boundless confidence, closely rallying around him.
KIM JONG IL is a powerful inspiration inexhaustible force the DPRK people and all of his victories.
Not only in 2009, but every year in the DPRK - is a real battle on the road, always well solved and advancing society quickly towards victory.
2010 – is the 65-year anniversary of the Workers' Party of Korea and the liberation of the country from Japanese rule. This year marks 10 years since the adoption of the fateful Pyongyang Joint Declaration and 30 years since the proposals towards the creation of the Democratic Confederal Republic of Koryo. There is much hard work to be done towards achieving national reunification, cooperation and cohesion across the nation. 2010 should be a year to create a new situation in the cause of independent national reunification.
In Korean-American relations, the intention has made to achieve through dialogue and negotiation, a solid system of peace and the realization of denuclearization of the Korean peninsula.
Ahead, much has to be done to further modernize the economy, expand and consolidate its power base, to accelerate the introduction into operation of the largest Hichkonskoy and Pektusanskoy "Songun - Youth," hydro electric power stations and much, much more. Particular attention will be drawn to the development of light industry and agriculture for a decisive breakthrough in improving the welfare of the population (we remind readers that 80% of the territory of the DPRK is not suitable for agricultural) . The whole life of the country for the coming period will be subject to a desire with dignity, for big victories in all areas of life to meet the 100-anniversary of the birth of the Great Leader Comrade Kim Il Sung (2012). And naturally, that the most difficult work will be at the Workers' Party of Korea led by its General Secretary Kim Jong Il as the main organizing, leading, guiding and inspiring force.
On the Great Leader's birthday, congratulating him and the Korean people on this famous date, we wish Comrade Kim Jong Il good health for many years, much energy activities for the benefit of the Korean people and for the success in the great task of socialist construction.
CC AUCPB
On the occasion of 68 th anniversary of the birthday of the leader of the DPRK, Kim Jong Il, in his name the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist party of Bolsheviks AUCPB sent to Pyongyang a congratulatory telegram.
NINA ANDREEVA General Secretary of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB)
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THE POLICY AND OUTCOME OF COLLECTIVIZATION IN THE USSR
S.V. Khristenko, All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (AUCPB)
(Translated by Kevin Cain, leader of For Bolshevism-AUCPB in the UK)
THE NEED FOR COLLECTIVISATION
Already by the end of 1927, the decisive success of the policy of socialist industrialization was ascertained. In the sphere of industry, the question "who is who" was a foregone conclusion in favour of socialism. A different picture was presented by agriculture. Gross output of its main sectors - grain production - amounted to only 91% of the pre-war level, and the commodity side of grain products sold for the supply of towns, barely reached 37% of the pre-war level, and all evidence suggests that there was a danger of further decline of commodity grain production. No doubt that if such a condition continued in grain farming, the country would have found itself in the face of chronic hunger.
The owner of the grain market was the kulak (wealthy peasant farmer). Making up 2.5 -3% of the total number of farms, kulaks harvested 70-80% of commodity grain. Poor farmers, who were horseless, were in complete bondage to the kulak. For the use of a horse, a poor peasant had to pay "either a pood of grain per day, or a woman harvesting for five days." They were crippling terms, but what could they do? The harvest of the poor peasant was not enough to last until the next year, and so he had to borrow grain from the kulaks to the next harvest. He had to return twice the amount of grain! The kulaks demanded from the state complete freedom of trade in grain. The state price for grain did not suit the kulak – so the kulak decided – “I will not sell the grain, but will dig it into a pit, and let it rot. And it was a mass phenomenon. For concealment of grain in 1928, for example, in the Middle Volga Region, 17 thousand kulak farms were put on trial.
WAYS OUT OF THE CRISIS
To get out of the crisis situation, it was necessary to transfer agriculture over to large-scale production that can set in motion, tractors and agricultural machinery and to raise several times the marketability of grain production. The country faced two options: either to move to large-scale capitalist production, which would mean the ruin of the peasant masses, the loss of alliance between the working class and peasants, a strengthening of the kulaks and the defeat of socialism in the countryside, or take the path of consolidation of small farms into large socialist farms, i.e. collective farms.
It is clear that the Bolshevik Party and Soviet state could only take the second road, the collective farm pathway of agricultural development. This is what Lenin said: "Only if we succeed in practice to show peasants the benefits of public, collective, cooperative cultivation, only if we succeed in helping the peasant by means of a cooperative, collective farm economy, will the working class, which holds state power in its own hands, and the peasants actually prove their case, and really attract over to its side firmly in this way, millions of peasants.
XV CONGRESS. COLLECTIVIZATION. THE KULAK.
Such was the situation before the XV Congress of the Party opened on December 2, 1927. Noting in his Report to Congress on the progress of industrialization and the rapid growth of socialist industry, Stalin put to the Party the task: "To expand and strengthen our socialist commanding heights in all sectors of the economy both in the city and village, heading towards the liquidation of capitalist elements in the national economy. Noting the backwardness of agriculture, especially grain production, comrade Stalin emphasized that such an unenviable state of agriculture was posing a threat to the entire economy.
"The way out, - answered comrade Stalin – is to turn the small and scattered peasant farms into large integrated ones based on social cultivation of land, in the transition to collective farming on the basis of new and higher technology. The way out is for the small and tiny peasant farms to gradually but steadily, not by pressure, but by example and persuasion, merge into large farms based on public, cooperative, collective farming, with the use of agricultural machinery and tractors, using scientific methods of intensive farming.”
The XV Congress decided on the full deployment of collectivization of agriculture. The Congress adopted a plan for expanding and strengthening the network of collective and state farms, and gave clear instructions on how to fight for collectivization of agriculture. The Party realized that, until the resistance of the kulaks was broken, and until kulakism was smashed in open battle in front of the peasantry, the working class and the Red Army will suffer from a shortage of bread, and the collective movement of peasants can not take a mass character.
Following the directives of the XV Congress of the Party, the party launched a determined offensive against the kulaks. In its advance forward, the party carried the slogan: reliance on the poor peasant and strengthening the alliance with the middle peasant, carry out a resolute struggle against the kulaks. In response to the refusal by the kulaks to sell surplus grain to the state at a fixed price, the party and the government carried out a series of emergency measures against the kulaks, applied Article 107 of the Criminal Code on confiscation by the court of surplus grain from the kulaks and speculators if they refuse to sell this surplus grain to the state at fixed prices.
KULAK TERROR
The kulaks immediately realized the mortal danger to themselves by collectivization and unleashed terror against the collective farm activists and village correspondents. Not a week went by that the newspapers did not report killings of village correspondents carried out by kulaks. In the village of Molvino in Bogorodsky district, of the Moscow province, an active rural correspondent of the county newspaper "Voice of the working" and secretary Zakharov of the Komsomol cell were shot and killed from behind a corner. In the village of Sabah (Tatar Republic), kulaks brutally murdered active worker rural correspondent Zakir Yusupov, who was exposing the tricks of the kulaks in the newspapers. In Crimea, in the village Mushasha, kulaks killed labourer-Komsomol Alexeyev, an organizer of the rural wall newspaper. In Uzbekistan, Bai mercenaries slaughtered active worker comrade Shukurov and his wife. The Orshansky district court sentenced to five years in prison four kulaks from the village Lozovka in Krupsky district for arson of the new farm "Iskra" and the destruction of nine collective farm workers. Of interest are available a summary of information of the hostile acts carried out against the collective farms in the first half of 1931. In general, across the Soviet Union during this period were attacked once - 8.1% percent of collective farms, two times - 3.4%, three times - 1.4%, four times or more - 2.9% of farms. Out of one hundred cases of attack, 21.9% were arson attacks, poisoning of cattle - 7.4%, attacks on activists - 35.1% of cases, damage to the collective farm machinery – 14.5% and others - 20.7% of cases.
TURNING TO COLLECTIVE FARMS
The actual attitude by the mass of the peasants - poor, middle peasants toward collectivization after the XV Congress of the Party had changed. The peasant masses were definitely turning towards collective farms. An important role was played by state and Machine-Tractor Stations, armed with tractors and other machines. Creating MTS-s was fully supported by Stalin in his speech at the XV Congress, where he quoted a letter from Odessa peasants: "After seeing the work of the tractors, we do not want poor small-scale farming, and have decided to organize a tractorized socialized economy in which there will be none of the peasant patches of crops. The organizing of tractor farms for us has already been taken on by the Taras Shevchenko farm, with whom we made agreement”. On June 5, 1929, the Labor and Defense Council adopted a resolution on the widespread establishment of MTS-s. It was a wise decision, which made it possible to unload from the emerging collective farms the unbearable burden of buying expensive agricultural technology, by providing for high-quality maintenance and repair. The role of the MTS in raising the level of Soviet agriculture was enormous. MTS-s lasted until 1958, when Khrushchev had them liquidated. As has been written on the Internet: "At the present time, due to the difficult financial situation of many agricultural enterprises, as well as the development of small farms, the need to form MTS-s has re-emerged!”
A country rhyme during the time of collectivization clearly shows the position of poor peasants:
You kulak -
Enemy of the Soviet,
Who buries bread in the ravine, -
You will not bring back the days bygone,
Shall not lead the country to darkness.
A mass collective-farm movement unfolded, which especially gained strength by the end of 1929, and gave unprecedented growth of the collective farms. In 1928, the sown area of farms was 1,390 thousand hectares in 1929 - 4,262 thousand hectares, and in 1930 the collective farms had sown 15 million hectares. In his article "A Year of Great Change" (November 7, 1929) Comrade Stalin said, "It must be admitted that the rate of growth of the collective farms - is such speedy pace of development unprecedented even by our socialized large-scale industry, the pace of development is altogether on a grander scale." It was a turning point in the development of the collective movement. This was the beginning of a mass collective-farm movement. "What is new in the current collective-farm movement?", asked Comrade. Stalin. And he answered: "The new and decisive in the current collective-farm movement is that the collective peasants are not in separate groups, as was the case earlier, but entire villages, parishes, districts, and even okrugs. And what does this mean? This means that the middle peasant has gone into collective farms. This is the basis of that radical change in the development of agriculture, which is a major achievement of Soviet power ...”.
This meant that the task of eliminating the kulaks as a class, on the basis of complete collectivisation was ripening or had ripened. The massive entry of peasants into collective farms that unfolded in 1929 - 1930 respectively, was the result of all the previous work of the Party and government. The growth of socialist industry, which began mass production of tractors and agricultural machinery; the resolute struggle against the kulaks during the grain-procurement campaigns in 1928 and 1929; a good experience of the first collective and state farms - all this prepared for the transition to solid collectivization, the entry of peasants into collective farms of whole villages, regions, districts.
ELIMINATION OF KULAKS AS A CLASS.
Until 1929 the Soviet government pursued a policy of restricting the kulaks. Soviet power heavily taxed the kulaks, demanded that he sell grain to the state at fixed prices, limited to a certain size the kulak's land use by the law on land lease and limited the scope of kulak farming by a law on the use of hired labor on private farms.
At the end of 1929, in connection with the growth of collective and state farms, the Soviet government made a sharp turn in relation to the kulak. On January 19, 1930, Stalin wrote an article "On the question of eliminating the kulaks as a class," which clearly and unequivocally said: "The current policy of the party in the countryside is not a continuation of the old policy, but a change from the old policy of restricting (and ousting) the capitalist elements in the village to a new policy of eliminating the kulaks as a class. "
This policy was embodied in the decree of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) on January 5, 1930 "On the speed of collectivization and measures by the state to help farm development" . The decision made important instructions that the main form of farm movement at this stage was the agricultural cooperative, in which only the basic means of production was collectivized. The Central Committee seriously warned against any party organizations whatsoever, "decreeing" from above and over the collective farm movement.
The most important was the decision of the Politburo of the CPSU (b) "On Measures for the elimination of the kulak farms in areas of complete collectivization" of 30 January 1930, according to which areas of complete collectivization had been scheduled: to confiscate from Kulaks the means of production, cattle, small agricultural and residential buildings, processing, feed and seed stocks. Kulaks in their degrees of opposition to collectivization were divided into three categories. Kulaks-active counter-revolutiona ries were referred to concentration camps, less dangerous kulaks - moved to the sparsely populated regions. The total number of liquidated kulak households in all major areas was estimated at roughly 3-5%. Lists of kulak households being evicted to remote areas, were set up by regional executive committees by decisions of meetings of farmers, laborers' marginalised workers assemblies and approved by the district executive committee. Strict orders were given - to concentrate blows against the true kulak households and certainly to prevent the spread of these measures to any part of the middle peasants.
The order stipulated: eviction and confiscation of property not to include families of the Red Army and the commanders of the Red Army. It was planned: to send 60 thousand kulaks to concentration camps and 150 thousand kulaks subjected to exile to remote areas. Family members of prisoners and kulaks deported to concentration camps can, if they wish and with the consent of the local executive committees, stay temporarily or permanently at the former place of residence. The resolution clearly stated, what should be left to the deported kulaks from their property. When arriving at their new place of residence, they are to be provided with building materials and discount loans for renovation, to which the state has allocated tens of millions of rubles. The Central Committee categorically stated: "These activities must be in organic connection with the real mass collective movement of the poor and middle peasants and an inseparable part of the process of complete collectivisation. The Central Committee strongly cautioned against the existing in some areas of facts of substituting work on mass collectivization by de-kulakization. Only in combination with the most extensive organization of the poorest peasants and agricultural labourers and rallying the poor and middle peasants by collectivization, and necessary administrative measures on de-kulakization can lead to the successful resolution of the tasks set by the party against in relation socialist reconstruction of the countryside and the elimination of the kulaks. "
During the collectivization, the kulaks were expropriated in the same way as in 1918 when the capitalists had been expropriated in the industrial field, with one difference, however, that the means of production of the kulaks crossed this time not into the hands of the state, but into the hands of peasants united in the hands of the collective farms. This was a profound revolution, a leap from the old qualitative state of society to a new qualitative state, equivalent in its consequences to the revolution in October 1917. The originality of this revolution is that it was from above, on the initiative of the state, with direct support from below from the vast masses of peasants fighting against kulak bondage, for the freedom of the collective farms.
EXCESSES DURING THE COURSE OF COLLECTIVIZATION
The resolution of the Central Committee of the CPSU (b) on January 5, 1930 "On the tempo of collectivization and measures to help by the state towards farm development" had made clear the implementation of the new party policy in the countryside. On the basis of the policy of eliminating the kulaks and the establishment of solid collectivization a powerful collective movement was launched. Peasants of whole villages and regions entered into collective farms and swept away the kulaks from the path, and freed themselves from kulak bondage. But along with the huge success of collectivization were soon detected shortcomings in the practice of party workers and distortions of the Party policy on collective farms. Despite the warning by the Central Committee against excessive enthusiasm on the success of collectivization, many party officials artificially forced collectivization, regardless of the conditions of time and place, without regard to the degree of preparedness of the peasants to join collective farms.
There were many violations and excesses. It was found that the principle of voluntariness in collective farm construction was violated. In some areas, voluntariness was replaced by forced joining collective farms under the threat of de-kulakization, electoral disenfranchisement, etc. There were rare cases in which peasants, sometimes even - and the poor were improperly "catogorised" as kulaks. Contrary to the instructions of the Central Committee that the basic link of the collective farm movement was the agricultural cooperative, which only the basic means of production are shared, in some places it was carried out by a leap straight to the commune, along with the socialization of dwellings, the subsistence and small-scale dairy cattle, poultry and so on was conducted. All these excesses in provocative aims were used by kulaks and their henchmen. Kulaks led agitation for the slaughter before joining the collective farms, assuring farmers that the farm animals "would be still taken away." Kulaks themselves, by destroying and selling cattle, sought to "become middle peasants." By March 1930,across the RSFSR, the number of pigs decreased from the spring of 1929 by half, sheep – by a third, cattle - a quarter, horses - by 12.5%. Kulaks widely used tactics of handing their stocks of grain in interest-bearing debt to the poor and middle peasants, and on inspection with "astonishment" claimed - we have no surplus grain! The class enemy reckoned that the excesses and mistakes made by local organizations during collectivization, would embitter the peasantry, would cause revolts against Soviet power. And such anti-Soviet action had taken place in the spring of 1930.
PUTTING RIGHT THE EXCESSES OF COLLECTIVISATION
The party Central Committee, having received a number of alarming signals about the distortions of the Party line, which threatened the collapse of collectivization, immediately began to rectify the situation, began to turn the party cadres on the road to a speedy correction of mistakes. On March 2, 1930 by decision of the Central Committee article by Comrade Stalin "Dizzy with success. Questions on the collective-farm movement. " was published . Stalin denounced the actions of the authorities in the localities which were not included in the accelerated plans for collectivization in particular, the premature setting up of agricultural communes: "It is not the commune, but the agricultural cooperative that is the main link of the collective farm movement, the cooperatives are not socialized: i.e. peasant plots of land (small gardens, orchards), dwellings, a certain part of the dairy cattle, sheep, poultry and so on.” Stalin blamed "overzealous socialiser" in "disrupting and discrediting" the collective farm movement and condemned their actions, "pouring water into the watermill of our class enemies."
The article by comrade Stalin had great political significance. It helped the party organizations to rectify their mistakes and dealt a severe blow to the enemies of Soviet power, their hope that on the soil of the excesses, they would be able to set the peasants against the Soviet power. The broad masses of peasants were convinced that the line of the Bolshevik Party had nothing to do with the "left" excesses, that were took place in the localities. The article brought comfort to the peasant masses.
THE SUCCESS OF COLLECTIVISATION
By the opening of the XVI Congress on June 26, 1930, profound change in the development of agriculture in the USSR had been achieved. The broad masses of peasants had turned to socialism. On May 1, 1930 in the major grain-growing regions, collectivization covered 40 - 50% of farms (instead of 2-3% in the spring of 1928). Commodity production of collective farms in three years had grown more than 40 times. Already in 1930, the state received from the collective farms, excluding state farms (the Sovkhoz), more than half of all marketable grain production in the country. The collective-farm peasantry, as pointed out at the XVI Congress of the Party in one of its decisions, "is a true and firm support of Soviet power."
1931 gave a new growth of the collective farm movement. In the main grain-growing districts, more than 80 percent of the total number of peasant farms had been united into collective farms. Solid collectivisation there was already largely completed. 200 thousand collective farms (kolkhozy) and 4 thousand state farms (sovkhozy) had seeded two-thirds of the total sowing area, but individual farmers - only one-third.
THE STRUGGLE FOR QUALITY WORK OF COLLECTIVE FARMS
But collective farm construction has not yet been developed in depth, but only in breadth - not through improving the quality of the collective farms and their personnel, but by increasing the number of collective farms and collective farms covering more and more new areas. This circumstance is explained by the fact that the growth of the collective assets, the growth of kolkhoz personnel was not keeping pace with the quantitative growth of the collective farms. Hindering the consolidation of collective were facts such as the lack of educated people in the village needed to farm (accountants, office managers, secretaries) and the lack of experience in conducting large-scale collective farming. The collective farmers were the day before, individual farmers. They had experience in farming small plots of land. But they still did not have experience in leading large, collective farms.
In view of these circumstances, were discovered serious flaws in the early days of collective farming. It turned out that collective farm labour was still poorly organized and labour discipline was weak. On many collective farms, income ws not shared according to workdays, but according to consumers. Often it appeared that a loafer got more bread than a diligent, honest farmer. In connection with such deficiencies of the collective leadership, interest of the farmers fell at work, there was a lot of absenteeism, and even in the warmest season, part of the collective farm crops remain unharvested until the snow and harvesting itself was carried out carelessly leading to the huge losses of grain. Lack of personal responsibility for machines and horses, the lack of personal responsibility in work, weakened the collective cause and reduced the income of the farms.
NEW TACTICS BY THE KULAKS. THE POLITICAL DEPARTMENTS UNDER MTS.
It was particularly bad in areas where former kulaks and pro-kulaks managed to clamber into the collective farms and occupy certain posts. Often, former kulaks moved to another district where they were not known, and from there clamber into a collective farm to cause harm and mischief. Penetration into collective farms by former kulaks was made easier by the fact that in the struggle against the collective farms, they abruptly changed their tactics. By now, they did not fire their sawn-off shotguns, but pretended to be quiet, compliant, and obedient, fully Soviet people. Penetrating into the collective farms, they tried to break them from within, to break up the collective farm labour discipline, messing up crop records and labour accounting. Kulaks were betting on horse and livestock slaughter on the collective farms and were able to kill a lot of horses. The kulaks damaged tractors and machinery.
To put an end to the kulak sabotage on collective farms and to accelerate the consolidation of farms, it was necessary to provide collective emergency assistance and the serious help, advice and guidance to people. This assistance was rendered to the collective farms by the Bolshevik Party. In January 1933 the Party Central Committee adopted a decision on the organization of political departments in the machine-tractor stations, serving the collective farms. 17 thousand party workers were sent to the countryside to work in the political departments to help the collective farms. The political departments of the MTS-s in two years (1933 and 1934) did much work in addressing the shortcomings of the collective farms, to grow the collective farm activists, to strengthen the collective farms, to clean out collective farms from hostile, kulak, wrecking elements. The political departments honorably fulfilled the stated objectives: they strengthened the collective farms in organizational and economic relations and educated new collective-farm staff, developed economic management of collective farms and raised the political level of the collective farm masses.
RESULTS OF COLLECTIVISATION
By the end of 1934, the collective farms had become a solid and invincible force. They united by this time already about three-quarters of all peasant farms throughout the Soviet Union and about 90 percent of all farmland. In 1934, in Soviet agriculture 281 thousand tractors and 32 thousand harvesters were working. A strong victory of the collective farm system and associated development of agriculture gave the Soviet government the chance to abolish the rationing of bread and other products and to establish free trade in food products, to look to the future with certainty.
A few words about the "remote" consequences of collectivization. Gross output of a Soviet village as compared with 1913 for 60 years, for example, grew 4,4 times, and productivity - 6 times. The USSR occupied one of the first places in the world for food production: it produced more wheat, rye, barley, sugar beets, potatoes and milk than any other country in the world. In 1954-1961, the Soviet Union hd the world's highest average annual growth rate of agricultural products – at 6%. Compared with the record year of 1913, when it was produced 250 kg of grain per capita, the USSR, increased these figures by 3 times.
THE VALUE COLLECTIVISATION
In summarizing, we can say - collectivization was absolutely necessary and a vital stage of socialist construction in the USSR. Only by completely destroying the power of capitalist owners in rural areas could the people seriously aspire to build socialism in the USSR. Only the care of the Bolshevik Party, the Soviet government of the peasant-workers allowed it to get out of the quagmire of centuries of poverty and injustice, start a new life, where everything depended on their honest, kind, conscientious labour.
How great is the role of Stalin personally in the planning and implementation of collectivization. This was in the formulation of the basic goals, objectives, pace, methods of collectivization, and the wise leadership of this process at each stage, which allowed to avoid, bypass time, many terrible dangers, standing in the way of collectivization - the social process that vitally affects the fate of tens of millions of people.
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KOREAN FRIENDSHIP ASSOCIATION (KFA)
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